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  • n many countries across the globe, women have increased their involvement in paid work and become equally or even more educated than men. Despite these trends, women are still held primarily responsible for doing housework and taking care of children and the elderly (Fuwa and Cohen 2007). This gendered division of household labor is closely linked to the persisting normative ideas about gender roles and the gender gaps in economic and political power (Hochschild 1989). Previous research has mostly focused on the physical participation in household chores and care by husbands and wives (Kan and He 2018). We know relatively less about how couples divide the mental and managerial responsibilities of family maintenance. Existing studies on decision-making have treated childrearing decisions in the same way as budget management, major purchases, or weekend planning, and have not paid sufficient attention to the role of human capital in childrearing decision-making (Treas and Tai 2012; Xu and Lai 2002). The pattern of childrearing decision-making, embedded in the notions of motherhood and fatherhood, deserves further investigation because of the gendered implications of parenthood on labor force outcomes, family formation, and marital and parent-child relationships (Mu and Xie 2016). (xsd:string)
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  • 2024 (xsd:gyear)
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  • 2024 (xsd:gyear)
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  • 10.4324/9781032696416 ()
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  • Education and Childrearing Decision-Making in East Asia (xsd:string)
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  • Fertility and Childcare in East Asia: Gender Dynamics and Intergenerational Support (xsd:string)
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  • In Fertility and Childcare in East Asia: Gender Dynamics and Intergenerational Support, edited by Wu, Xiaogang and Zhou, Muzhi and Kan, Man-Yee, 4-28, Routledge, 2024 (xsd:string)
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