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Geographic Characteristics from Each Method: In Surselva-Gotthard, the division of the regional case study into three towns appeared to strongly influence the business links and network structure (Fig 2). Longyearbyen, on the other hand, revealed collaboration clusters that were not associated with geospatial structure (Figs 2 and 3). Both case studies revealed how qualitative interviews drawing out geographic characteristics and quantitative SNA drawing out network characteristics can complement each other for understanding how geographic characteristics affect business links. In Surselva-Gotthard, the interviews interpreted the role of geographic structure in the business network and in the isolation of peripheral actors identified in the SNA. In Longyearbyen, the interviews revealed weak and diffuse informal ties that were not explicitly identified in the quantitative network. Those ties are related to the community’s smallness and isolation. Simultaneously, the sparse and modular structure of the quantitative network of business links suggests that the qualitative perception amongst actors of a collaborative business environment may be over-stated. From the two methods, for Longyearbyen, high population and business turnover alongside compartmentalization of the community into subgroups may support the internal development and application of diverse and new ideas [46], [52]. That comes at a cost of less coordinated planning and reduced steering of collective action [52], and the preference for short-term visions and actions which could be at odds with longer-term interests and approaches, such as environmental and heritage conservation. In Surselva-Gotthard, a strong sense of place and cultural identity coupled with an efficient, centralized communication structure seems to empower links supporting longer-term visions. This tight social structure may incur costs of ‘groupthink’ [63] if it limits infusion or acceptance of new strategies, products, and services; that is, a tight social structure can dampen down suggestions of trying out different approaches because it has not been done before or because an individual is in the minority. Even though isolation and smallness characterise both case studies, they manifested differently in the analyses. Surselva-Gotthard’s actors, spread across three towns within the case study site, displayed isolation from each other in the network, which was then corroborated by the qualitative interviews. Quantitative SNA captured the isolation of the towns from each other to some degree while qualitative interviews confirmed this result and provided reasons for the isolation. These findings support similar conclusions such as [62] that clustering rather than geographical tightness occurs when social groups are above 30 members, given that the Surselva-Gotthard case study had more than 30 members and displayed clustering in each town. The interview responses from Longyearbyen indicated that isolation from the outside world significantly supports informal business links, a characteristic which, in this instance, the quantitative SNA did not immediately detect. In both case studies, the lack of corroboration by the case studies that technological development makes it easier to link with those at larger distances [42] likely occurred because, as [42] highlights, the German biotechnology inventor networks were heavily knowledge-based, whereas the tourism businesses in Surselva-Gotthard and Longyearbyen use their links more for products and services, rather than for knowledge exchange. The same explanation applies to this study not providing evidence to support the approach discussed in [37] because their focus is also on knowledge networking.
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